During conflict events, local environments are often altered in distinguishable ways. In some cases, the environment was used as a weapon of the violence. Understanding how the environment can be deliberately and systematically used as a mechanism t…
Hi Einar,
Russell Schimmer here, I was thinking about giving a session on the case studies I have and continue to research on remote sensing approaches to genocide studies. I am currently continuing my work on the case of Darfur and was thinking tha…
Interested in giving or having a session on a specific topic? Please propose a session with: Your Name, Session Title, and 5-sentence Description.
Interested in giving a demo of your platform? Then sign-up with: Your Name, Your Organization
Remote Sensing, GIS, Law, Genocide Studies, Conflicts and the Environment, Resource Management
Bio
Russell Schimmer is a dual-degree, J.D.-Ph.D., candidate at the University of Connecticut School of Law and the Department of Natural Resources and the Environment. After graduating from Yale College in 2005, Russell began his research with the Yale Genocide Studies Program under the direction of Professor Ben Kiernan. The purpose of this research is to document evidence resulting directly from genocide activities using spaceborne remote sensing imagery. Currently, Russell’s methods include multi-temporal and spatial monitoring of environmental change caused by anthropogenic activities related to land use and conflict. Russell’s legal interests are primarily in developing approaches to spaceborne remote sensing evidence obtention and admissibility, and land use management.
Russell has published five working papers on his research findings in Guatemala (Evidence of Systematic Violence in the Ixil Triangle Region of the Department of El Quiché, 1980-1986); Rwanda (Indications of Violence in the Bisesero Hills of Kibuye Prefecture, 1994); East Timor (Violence by Fire in East Timor, September 8, 1999); Former Yugoslavia (a Google Earth user interactive, multimedia assemblage of materials documenting the genocide in Former Yugoslavia, 1990-1995); and for the past two years, he has documented the confluences of climate and anthropogenic activities in Darfur using a multi-temporal, satellite remote sensing approach (Tracking the Genocide in Darfur: Population Displacement as Recorded by Remote Sensing). In addition, he has contributed to two upcoming publications, Evoking Genocide: Scholars and Activists Describe the Works That Shaped Their Lives (Toronto: The Key Publishing House, forthcoming 2009) and New Directions in Genocide Research (London: Routledge, forthcoming 2010).
Project(s)
Remote Sensing of Conflict and Genocide
Tracking Environmental Change and Conflict in Darfur
Tracking Violence and Resource Management in Kenya
Tracking Violence and Resource Management in Zimbabwe
Comment Wall (4 comments)
You need to be a member of Crisis Mappers Net to add comments!
Part-2 (continued response to Lucien)
If so, then these findings support the deforestation and devegatation observations in the localized orbital regions around the camps but not necessarily in areas at greater distances. Based on your field observations, you might find that areas are increasingly less impacted at greater distances from the refugee camps. This could be true for a number of reasons including safety and the maximum distance one can travel in a day to collect resources such as fire wood. I have spoken to others, who have worked in the field and observed that an increasing problem at many refugee and IDP camps is the depletion of resources in the immediate vicinity of camps and the resistance or inability to travel beyond certain distances from the camp for multiple reasons, including the two I stated above. I would be interested in your observations on this point. In addition, I have downloaded the GIS files you suggested and will examine whether I find a similar localized trend of decreasing biomass at those refugee camp locations. If you would like to investigate any particular regions in more detail, especially regions for which you are especially familiar, I would be glad to zoom into these areas and determine whether we can make some more detailed explorations into the accuracy of the data and how it relates to your field observations.
Again, many thanks for your interest and commentary and, I hope, my explanation helps in understanding this apparent contradiction. I look forward to hearing more from you.
Part-1
Hi Lucien,
I appreciate your close examination of the paper based on your actual field observations. I agree with you that, at first glance, a contradiction between my findings and your observations seems apparent. But, as I also stated in the paper, the sentence following, "In late 2007 . . .," I gave an example of Oure Cassoni, in Eastern Chad, (Figure 38), where it was reported in 2007 that 30% of the livestock had died due to starvation. This corresponded to my findings of a considerable amount of devegatation, approx. 50 sq. km, at and around the refugee camp. This was used as an example to show a reverse trend, namely, that although regionally it was found that biomass was increasing over the entire area from 2003-2007, around this refugee camp biomass for the same period had decreased, which in turn corroborated the ground reports that these areas were experiencing diminishing grazing ranges. For the purpose of the paper, I was trying to argue exactly your claim.
So the next question is whether this localized trend at Oure Cassoni is observable at the other camps you mentioned in Eastern Chad, AmNabak, Iridimi and Touloum.
(Please see Part-2 of my response)
I just signed into the website and was immediately interested in your paper on finding evidence of Genocide in Darfur through remote sensing imagery. I am working with CARE in Eastern Chad and, without criticizing work I find fascinating, from my perspective there seems to be a contradiction between what your paper's conclusions and what we're experiencing here on the ground.
Your research showed that the situation in the area around the three refugee camps near Iriba in Eastern Chad (AmNabak, Iridimi and Touloum, which can be seen in the upper east corner of your maps) is virtually identical to what your finding throughout Darfur, which is that vegetation levels seem to be increasing strongly between 2003 and 2007. If you're not familiar with the region that I'm describing GIS files of the refugee camps can be found below:
The problem is, as anyone can tell you here on the ground, the exact opposite is true. Since 2003 there's been a massive deforestation and removal of vegetation due to both increased livestock grazing (as refugees brought their livestock from Darfur) and through direct harvesting by refugees for firewood. In fact, your paper says as much in the following passages:
"In late 2007, villagers in Chad claimed their own animals were dying of starvation in increased numbers because of diminishing grazing ranges" (pg 34), and "many Zaghawa pastoralists had relocated to Chad." (pg 33)
Both of these assertions are true, there are indeed a large number of refugees of Zaghawa ethnicity have moved their herds to Chad. So my question is, why would the data be so wrong for Eastern Chad, where there's been anything but a surge in vegetation since 2003, but accurate for Darfur, just across the border?
Again, I'm a big fan of your paper, just trying to start an interesting discussion.
Lucien
At 12:42pm on October 20, 2009, John Crowley said…
Russell,
Enzo thought we should talk about the use of imagery (UAV and satellite) for detection of humanitarian crises. I wish we had connected at the conference! Talk with you soon,
John